Was watching <A Bite of China> after my Chinese twitter(weibo) recommendation. and I can't help but missing this country so much.
The food culture that every Chinese is proud of is also interestingly a normal greeting between the ordinary Chinese people by saying 'Have you eaten?' (the thing like an Englishman and his weather)
Notes:
A bite of China is a series of food documentary produced by CCTV. Total of 7 episodes.
It tells the histories and stories behind Chinese cuisine: The meaning and the symbol each represents;The connection between the nature and the people; The creation of unique foods and traditional recipes.
Get to know Chinese's life philosophy and the respect people have for the nature and food. This is the video you can't miss. I am drooling already by simply watching this..
And if I could possibly talk more about China even at this busy profound Diamond Jubilee weekend, I would like to mention Prof Rana Mitter, who lectures on Chinese history and politics at the University of Oxford. and of course his 200 page but very informative work <Modern China: A Very Short Introduction>
"With very few exceptions, all of the warring factions that vied over China's future in the 20th century were 'modern', not just in the sense of being 'recent', but in their rejection or adaptation of the Confucian norms of the past, and their embrace of a new set of norms that were derived from outside , but which were adapted to make 'Chinese' and 'modern' compatible, tather than terms which seemed to be in opposition to one another.
Although they violated their own rhetoric on countless occasions, China's rulers in the 20th century - and the 21th - have sought to create a nation-state with an equal, self-aware citizen body. This is a profoundly modern goal. But how successful will they be in achieving it. "
-- Rana Mitter
Watching him introduce his concise but illuminating book.
Reviews
"A lovely little book to help understand China."
"Modern China is a fascinating subject in its own right.China, in general, has been one of the most intriguing countries in the world for most of its history. This is a very informative and accessible book on Modern China that is well suited for the general readership."
"This book is a good start. It guides you through the subject matter and the author - Rana Mitter - knows his stuff."
The following text is extracted from Modern China: A Very Short Introduction by Rana Mitter
China is a profoundly modern society; but the way in which its modernity has been manifested is indelibly shaped by the legacy of its pre-modern (a term preferable to 'traditional') past.
Not that the pre-modern past was ever monolithic or static:
China changed immeasurably over hundreds of years, developing a bureaucracy, science, and technology (the invention of gunpowder, clocks, and the compass), a highly commercialised economy (from around 1,000 onwards), and a diverse syncretic religious culture.
This similarity in many developments in Europe and China in the period 1000 to around 1800 should not, however, conceal the fact that imperial China and early modern Europe also differed widely in their assumptions and mindsets.
The development of modernity in the Western world was underpinned by a set of assertions, many of which are still powerful today, about the organisation of society. Most central was the idea of 'progress' as the driving force in human affairs. Philosophers such as Descartes and Hegel ascribed to modernity a rationality and technology, an overarching narrative, that suggested that the world was moving in a particular direction - and that that direction, overall, was a positive one.
There were several drivers of progress. One was the idea that dynamic change was a good thing in its own right: in pre-modern societies, the force of change was often feared as destructive, but the modern mindset welcomed it. In particular, an acceptance and enthusiasm for progress through economic growth, and later, industrial growth, became central to the development of a modern society.
Particularly in the formulation of the Enlightenment of the 18th century, the idea of rationality , the ability to make choices and decisions in a predictable, scientific way, also became crucial to the ordering of a modern society.
Above all, societies are modern in large part because they perceive themselves as being so: self-awareness ('enlightenment') is central to modernity and the identities that emerge from it, such as nationhood.
This has led the West, in particular, to draw far too strong a distinction between its own 'modern' values and those elsewhere in the world. China, for instance, showed many features over thousands of years that shared assumptions of modernity long before the west had a significant impact there.
China used a system of examinations for entry to the bureaucracy from the 10th century CE, a clearly rational and religious decrees and brute force were doing the same job in much of Europe.
At the same time, China started to develop an integrated and powerful commercial economy, with cash crops taking the place of subsistence farming. It is clear that many aspects of 'modernity' were visible earlier and more clearly in China than in Europe.
Among the most powerful elements of modern thought in Europe was its ability to maintain the idea that its own genesis and construction were profoundly different from those of other societies.
In part, this was because of a desire to create a profound distinction between Western European politics and that of other societies, particularly in the 19th century , when imperialist ideology became important.
Yet in many ways, the attributes of modernity - particularly self-awareness and its associated sense of anti-hierarchy - were drawn from a pre-existing religious tradition, in which birth and rebirth were crucial.
While Christianity was clearly one source of this concept (having also provided the cultural grounding for the teleology of progress that underlies classic modernity), the ideas of enlightenment and self-awareness emerged much earlier as part of Buddhist thought, and in later centuries were developed within another path defined by Islam.
The most strongly Eurocentric understanding of modernity have found it hard to acknowledge its cross-cultural roots; yet they are there.
But all the same, China before the mid-19th century did not share certain key assumptions of the emerging elites of Europe in the 16th to 19th centuries. China did not, during that time, develop powerful political movements that believed in flattening hierarchies: in the Confucian world, 'all men within the four seas' might be 'brothers',but 'all men' were not equal.
Chinese thinkers did not stress the individuated self as a positive good in contrast to collective, although there was a clear idea of personal development to become a 'gentleman' or 'sage'. Nor, overall, did it make the idea of a teleology of forward progress central to the way it viewed the world: rather , history was an attempt to recapture the lost golden age of the Zhou and ways of the ancients, and rather than praising innovation and dynamic change in its own right, pre-modern China developed highly sophisticated technology and statecraft while stressing the importance of past precedent, and of orders.
As for economic growth, while it would be too strong to say that Confucian thought wholly disapproved of trade (the Ming and Qing saw a comfortable accommodation by the state with the idea of commerce), the concept of economic growth as a good in its own right was not as central to the pre-modern Chinese mindset as it as to the type of modernity that emerged in Europe.
These assumptions mark a profound difference from China's experience in the contemporary era. Since the early 20th century at least, China's governments and elite thinkers have accepted most of the tenets of modernity, even while vehemently opposing the Western and Japanese imperialism which force those ideas into China.
The Communist and Nationalist governments that dominated China in the 20th century both declared that China was progressing towards the future; that a new, dynamic culture was needed to take it there; that hierarchies needed to be broken down, not preserved; and that while order was important, economic growth was the only way to make China rich and strong.
Most notably, China's leaders were much more fiercely and uncompromisingly modern in their assumptions than many of their contemporaries in India or Japan in the early 20th century: the ‘May Forth Movement’ of 1910s was far more eager to reject China's Confucian past completely than figures in India, such as Gandhi, were to reject that society's past.
But at the same time, there is a chimerical element to the quest for modernity. Modernity keeps changing, and Chinese conceptions of it change as well: the modernity of the 'self-strengtheners' who sought to adapt Western technology in the late Qing is not the same as that of the radicals who declared a 'new culture' in the 1910s, nor of the Nationalists and Communists whose primary goal was to find a stable, modern identity for the Chinese state and people.
Even today, the question of what a modern China looks like is in flux.
At the same time, China's new-found strength means that it is in a much better position than ever before to project aspects of its own model of modernity back into the wider global definition of the term.